By Don Robotham, ContributorTHE RESISTANCE of Edward Seaga to the recent election of James Robertson and Dr. Horace Chang to deputy leadership positions in the Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) shows just how difficult and painful the process of political renewal in Jamaica is. Indeed, unless a compromise is arrived at, this struggle could well end in a split. As usual the discussion is focused sensationally on the melodrama of the moment and on the personalities involved. Will the young Davids slay Goliath or will Goliath prevail? But bigger issues are at stake.
The real issue is what does it all mean politically? What does this struggle mean for the urgent economic, social and political questions facing the Jamaican people in these extremely difficult times?
PERSONALITY POLITICS?
The struggle is a desperate one between the JLP old guard and the group of younger politicians clustered around Bruce Golding. This younger group sees the parlous state of the country and the deep disaffection with the leadership of the present People's National Party (PNP). With the economy in a prolonged state of deflation (over 10 continuous years!), slow economic growth and uncontrollable rates of violent crime, the PNP should have been out of power long ago. According to this group, one man is to blame for the JLP being in the political wilderness for four elections in such favourable circumstances. That man is Edward Seaga. The young group regards him as the only obstacle standing between them and Jamaica House.
The young guard is supported in their challenge to Mr. Seaga's leadership by some of the wealthy backers of the JLP and by broad sections of the Jamaican public. These backers also agree that Mr. Seaga is a political liability. Were it not for him, they reason, the PNP would not have been so lax in their governance and the JLP would very likely now be in control of Jamaica. What is most striking in all of this is the complete lack of any discussion of policy issues. Neither old nor young guard bases their leadership ambitions on the claim that they have one set of policy solutions to the problems of Jamaica while the other side has another. The challengers do not claim, for example, that Mr. Seaga is against the Anti-Terrorism Bill, but they are for.
The old guard does not argue that Mr. Seaga has one low-inflation model which is better than the one espoused by the challengers. Not a single issue of principle has been raised in this struggle. Everything appears to be a matter of personality, personal loyalty and personal ambition.
STRUGGLE FOR DEMOCRACY
But this interpretation of the battle in the JLP as simply a struggle of personalities would be a profound mistake. Actually very deep issues are involved. These issues are not about policy but about political methods. The struggle in the JLP is a struggle for democracy.
Mr. Seaga's political life has been characterised by a fairly clear and thought-out political line. This line was an authoritarian one which was at the same time statist. It held to the view that the challenges of development and poverty in a society and economy such as Jamaica's required a strong developmental state. This view was not arrived at suddenly nor was it a view unique to Mr. Seaga and Jamaica. It was the view arrived at in East Asia, following Japanese success. It was the fruit of a careful and fairly prolonged study of the history, culture and social development of Jamaican society by Mr. Seaga. It was a view which was and is very conscious of the sharp social and cultural divisions in Jamaican society. It was a nation-building line which was and is opposed to the free market policies of the globalisation era. Indeed, Mr. Seaga has been deeply out of sync with this era while the PNP in the second coming of Michael Manley warmly embraced it.
This adherence to authoritarian statism which some go as far as to call 'Seaga socialism', has been the real cause of his political difficulties which his personality only aggravated. This statism failed him in the 1980s when the economic and political chances of success were extraordinarily favourable. They failed for two reasons one of which is obvious and another which is not.
The more obvious reason for failure was the deep disagreement which developed between Mr. Seaga and his free market backers from the United States from 1985 onwards. But the second reason for the failure of Seaga socialism is more interesting and profound. It was too authoritarian.
For example, for AGRO-21 to have worked required a country of a higher general technical and educational level than was present in Jamaica at that time. It also required a country without our specific social and racial divisions. The same can more or less be said for Mr. Seaga's ventures into urban development. Mr. Seaga saw and understood these constraints and sought to rectify them by strong doses of top-down authority. But this only made bad worse.
Top-down authority is the in-grained political method of Mr. Seaga. This approach to the political and other problems of Jamaica is deeply resented by the vast majority of Jamaicans, including Jamaicans who support the JLP.
The Jamaican personality is historically an assertive and individualistic one which instinctively rejects authoritarianism of any kind. This shows very clearly, for example, in how people react to the proposal for a state of emergency. Effective governance in Jamaica requires democracy and not just sound policy making. Indeed, one of the basic problems of the economic policy of the PNP is that although sound, it has been imposed from on high by a Minister without a clue in the public relations area.
The challenge to Mr. Seaga is therefore about democracy. It is about having a politics which is based on widespread democratic consultation and an open and participatory spirit. It is a politics which attaches the highest importance to listening to the Jamaican people, explaining public policy plainly and patiently and being truly responsible and accountable. Such a cause is well worth fighting for even though some of the fighters are not exactly angels themselves!
A SPLIT
For a number of reasons, it is very likely that the young guard will succeed in their short-term political ambitions. If Mr. Seaga does not relent they are probably strong enough to split the JLP and to take the larger part with them. They could do this and still defeat the Patterson PNP such is the shambles on that side. A JLP rump under Mr. Seaga would rapidly sink into oblivion. A victory for the young guard will also have a powerful effect in encouraging the PNP to renew itself. If they plan to split the JLP, there is all the more reason for the young guard to get their political line together.
I have not the slightest idea what the political line of the young guard is. Indeed, I doubt that they have one. All one hears are vague calls for constitutional reform emanating from the Golding camp which reflect a general democratic impulse.
But how will changing the Jamaican constitution improve our balance of payments? Or increase visitor arrivals in tourism? Or reduce the mountain of domestic debt? Or reduce the budget deficit? Or increase investment and reduce unemployment? Or reduce violent crime and increase export competitiveness? Or address social and racial alienation and division? Or raise the abysmally low educational level? In all these vital areas of public policy not a single word from the young gladiators!
This is dangerous because many people in Jamaica are placing their hopes in them. If these hopes are disappointed in a context in which the PNP is discredited, widespread political chaos could ensue. This is especially so as the JLP leadership, including the young guard, when seen in photographs, increasingly resembles a light-skinned crew seeking to captain a black ship. So far this group has been satisfied simply to ride on the back of disaffection with the PNP and with authoritarianism in the JLP. But this disaffection will wane as fast as it has waxed. The PNP has the black card to play and without doubt will play that trump when the right time comes. The struggle against authoritarianism is critical but you can't eat democracy.
The problems which societies such as Jamaica face are real and extremely acute. The JLP has always been a conservative party but it has never taken conservatism seriously, intellectually speaking.
Like the PNP on the other ideological side, it has not taken the trouble to work out what this conservatism means in the practical conditions of the world today in a small underdeveloped country of 2.6 million people. Yet it is perfectly possible to think these issues through from a conservative viewpoint and to develop a coherent and effective set of policies.
This is the real challenge which the young guard and Jamaica faces. Victory in the battle against authoritarianism will evaporate if these challenges are not met.
Don Robotham is an anthropologist specialising in development issues in Africa and Caribbean societies.
