Robert Buddan
Jamaica, Haiti and the struggle for democracy
HAITI CELEBRATES 200 years of independence in 2004, Jamaica celebrates 60 years of adult suffrage and African Americans celebrate 40 years since the Voting Rights Act. These are milestones in the
struggle for democracy by and among ex-slaves in the hemisphere. It is fitting that we remember these achievements in Black History Month.
It is right that we do so at a time when another Jamaican, Mary Seacole, has been voted the most important black Briton in history following the now accepted recognition of Garvey and Marley. Arnold Bertram reminds us that Haitians fought in the American Revolution for Independence and Mimi Sheller tells us that Haitians and Jamaicans helped each other to democratise their societies after Emancipation when the planter class resisted these efforts.
THE HISTORY OF DEMOCRACY
One of the most important studies on this theme is Mimi Sheller's Democracy After Slavery (2000). She makes four points which turn standard political history upon its head. The first is that, freedom for slaves (1791-1888) was followed everywhere by a conservative reaction that denied the newly-freed people steady progress towards democratisation. This is why African Americans had to wait 100 years after the civil war for full voting rights, and Jamaicans similarly had to
struggle for 100 years after Emancipation for their full voting rights. While greater democracy was granted to the white dominions of Australia and New Zealand, it was denied to the Aborigines of those countries and to the black colonies of the Caribbean. The United States even intervened in Haiti in the 20th Century saying that Haitians were not ready for democracy.
Her second point, therefore, is that black people had to struggle for democracy themselves. Democracy was not achieved by the European/North American version of history. In that version western enlightenment transferred democracy to the non-western world by which the transfer of Westminster democracy has been explained. Nor was it won by the actions of the industrial proletariat (as Marxists have tried to explain it). It was a product of the people, especially the peasantry, who struggled for land and land rights. It is not generally known, for instance, that right after Emancipation in Jamaica, a number of ex-slaves organised abolitionist societies to make sure that slavery was not re-imposed, to campaign for the abolition of slavery in the United States and for reparations for Africa. Nor is it known that right after Emancipation, some of these ex-slaves demanded full universal suffrage and the immediate abolition of all property restrictions on the right to vote. Sheller's third point is that Haiti's independence and Emancipation in the Caribbean contributed to democratisation in the west itself, that is, Europe and North America. C.L.R. James' study of the Haitian Revolution showed that it had deeper democratic ambitions than the French or American revolutions. After all, the American Revolution had not freed slaves as the Haitian Revolution had done. By negotiating for more democratic rights, Caribbean people showed the European working class that democracy, not revolution, was a means of transforming society. The impact of the Haitian ideas of liberation on the Jamaican people of the 19th century inspired Jamaicans to fight for rights; and after Governor Eyre suppressed the Morant Bay Rebellion, his methods so shocked European opinion as to influence it towards more compassionate means of government.
Sheller's fourth point is that the
struggles of the ex-slaves for democracy should not be considered as having ended. Parliamentary or presidential democracy in the Caribbean need to be further transformed so that more people have more rights to property and democracy. Jamaica and Haiti themselves are examples of contemporary struggles for more direct forms of democracy, better and more inclusive governance, and higher levels of human development. The Caribbean is the only region where the sons and daughters of ex-slaves govern. They have made the English-speaking Caribbean the most democratic region among all the developing regions. The Haitian Revolution now needs to be transformed into a democratic revolution.
DEMOCRATIC FAILURE
Jamaica and Haiti were the two most profitable colonies in the
late 18th century with 80 per cent of their populations being black. Sheller
found that some Jamaicans were closely involved in Haiti's Liberal Revolution
of 1843 while some Haitians were closely linked to Jamaica's Morant Bay Rebellion
in 1865. Despite these democratic rebellions, European opinion was that blacks
were not able to govern themselves. The conservative monarchies of Europe thought
of themselves as 'civilised' and considered Haitians as barbarians. They isolated
Haiti. A French Foreign Minister wrote in a letter to U.S. President, James
Monroe: "The existence of a Negro people in arms,occupying
a country it has soiled by the most criminal of acts, is a horrible spectacle
for all white nations. There is no reason to grant support to these brigands
who have declared themselves the enemies of all government."
The French, British and Americans feared Haiti's impact on slavery. Just as Cuba is isolated out of fear of exporting socialist revolution, Haiti was isolated for fear of exporting a black revolution. Haiti's plantation system had begun to decline even before the revolution. Its civil institutions were deteriorating. The military became the pre-eminent power and it is split between black nationalists and mulatto French creoles. During years of civil war, the blacks controlled the south and the mulattos controlled the north. Political control had passed to the military and French-Haitian elites. Haiti was never able to submit the military to civilian control. The result is that there have been 32 coups in Haiti's history. For all the ideals of equality and fraternity, democracy never emerged in Haiti. The pattern of international hostility, racism, militarism and violence between blacks and mulattos has continued right up to the present.
THE PRESENT STRUGGLE
FOR DEMOCRACY
Jamaican history has had great parallels with that of Haiti's, and Jamaica has probably been Haiti's closest friend over these 200 years. The struggle to democratise Haiti's Revolution meets upon the forces of its dark past. The Washington-based Council on Hemispheric Affairs believes that the Haitian opposition has Duvalierist ties along with ideological and financial ties to the U.S. It says U.S. hemispheric policy is guided by a small group of extremists with strong ideological ties to former Senator, Jesse Helms. Helms and his group see Aristide as simply another Castro. It argues that the U.S. has frozen US$500 million in international pledges to Haiti hoping to instigate a rebellion (similar to what is has hoped for in Cuba) although Colin Powell has publicly said the U.S. was not involved in 'regime change' in either country.
The Council and Congress-woman Maxine Walters agree that the Duvalierist and mulatto-led opposition have become increasingly disloyal and violent and is now, "leading an openly anti-democratic insurrection." It says the opposition is involved in a 'power grab' because it does not have the numerical strength to win elections.
Oliver Clarke has said that CARICOM is spending too much time on Haiti. Yet, CARICOM seems to be the only group with any genuine solution to the crisis and the rhetoric of the United States, France and Canada disguise dubious intent. CARICOM wants Government and opposition to honour their commitments, respect the constitutional process, respect democracy, and it wants financial and material assistance to restore public order and commerce, and for humanitarian assistance to be provided across the country.
CARICOM's position
recognises the need for dialogue, public order and humanitarian assistance. It is alone in proposing the critical ingredients. Haiti has helped to give us liberation. CARICOM must continue to help Haiti to secure its democracy.
Robert Buddan lectures in the Department of Government, UWI, Mona.
E-mail:
Robert.Buddan@uwimona.edu.jm
