David Jessup, ContributorON DECEMBER 8, Caribbean Heads of Government will meet in Barbados for the second Cuba CARICOM summit. While the meeting will largely focus on functional cooperation in areas such as trade, health care and education, it will also demonstrate publicly that the relationship between Cuba and the rest of the Caribbean remains strong and has not been diverted by the remorseless pressure exerted by Washington.
Since 1972, Caribbean states have pursued an independent line on Cuba. Trinidad, Barbados, Jamaica and Guyana took a calculated risk and established diplomatic relations with Cuba. Then only Canada, Mexico and Chile in the hemisphere had diplomatic relations with Cuba and the U.S. pressure to isolate Cuba was intense.
At that time, Sir Shridath Ramphal, as foreign finister of Guyana was responsible for coordinating the region's position.
Reflecting on this, subsequently, Sir Shridath places the decision in the context of regional integration and Caribbean consciousness: "A candle of courage and principle had been lit. It illumined the way for the rest of Latin America. It was, of course, an act of solidarity with Cuba - in very difficult times; but it was also an act of solidarity among CARICOM countries. It was good for Cuba; but it was good for us too. Situations like 'Cuba' allow the generations that share them to stand up and be counted."
VERY DIFFERENT SITUATION
Today, Cuba's situation is very different. The Soviet Union has gone. It has weathered the economic crisis it faced following the fall of the Berlin Wall and the immediate end of its special arrangements with Russia and the nations of Eastern Europe. It has managed its way forward through a period of great difficulty known in Cuba as the special period in peacetime and has resisted all pressures from the United States and, more recently, from difficulties in its relationship with Europe.
So much so, that in the last weeks, Cuba's president has been able to announce publicly that while the island's economy still faces difficulties, it is now able to address many of the inequities that arose as a result of the need to stimulate growth. Cuban ministers are clear that Cuba's economy is recovering and its problems attenuating. The orientation now is, they say, to greater efficiency against a background of a growing economy and stable currency
In practical terms, one social outcome is that professionals such as teachers and doctors and those in higher education will now have their contribution recognised through receiving higher salaries. Others contributing more to society will also have greater financial incentives and it seems, more in the way of consumer goods on which to spend their income.
Seen from the outside, Cuba's social and economic model is often hard to understand and as a consequence many of its policy decisions are wrongly interpreted. To begin, one first has to recognise that Cuba's model is based on social equity and a political system that is derived from achieving this. By adding nationalism and socialism it attempts to involve the whole population in decisions that are intended to benefit society.
'RECTIFYING ERRORS'
To take one example, most western interpretation would suggest that re-centralisation, the recently reinvigorated process of 'rectifying errors', the state again taking greater control over currency and the retirement of some existing foreign investments is a sign of crisis: but it is precisely the reverse. These processes now under way stem from confidence that the economy is moving forward and the social direction and objectives are again within sight.
This is not to suggest that the Cuban system would be to the liking of most in the Caribbean or that Cuba, like many other nations, is without a dark or troubling side.
Rather it to say that a stronger, more confident and better understood, Cuba adds weight to the region in international fora and as Sir Shridath suggests, provides a much-needed sense of regionalism and solidarity, despite differences of approach and style.
As Cuba's political and economic relationships with China and Venezuela have grown, it has become clear that this has provided Havana with greater flexibility in its international relations. One consequence is that Cuba's exchanges with the EU and many governments in Europe may be in decline. This stems from an inflexible common European position in relation to dialogue and human rights, a stance led to a significant extent by Europe's new member states. Recently President Castro raised questions about the extent to which Cuba required a relationship with European Governments and it would seem that the internal debate on this may lead over time to a new bilaterally focussed approach that takes a nuanced longer-term view of the benefits to be derived.
In the last few days, CARICOM too has come to question the nature of its ties to Europe, as a result of the EU's decision to cut sugar prices without negotiating any commensurate transitional package, and its decision to announce in parallel a still lower single tariff on bananas entering Europe from non-ACP sources.
The Caribbean's reaction has been vitriolic with Heads of Government using words such as 'betrayal' and questioning in face-to-face sessions the personal commitment of the EC Trade Commissioner Peter Mandelson and Britain's Prime Minister, Tony Blair, to a stable economic transition out of preference.
While it is fair to say that some of the more aggressive rhetoric may in part respond to domestic political criticism, Europe would do well to heed the real depth of emotion and the content of the language being used in private by Caribbean leaders.
Despite this Europe's uncomprehending response indicates how far apart regions that were once intimately linked have become and how much the polite dialogue that takes place between the Caribbean and European governments is not just an irrelevance but may now be a barrier to the region moving its interests forward.
Europe is an important counterbalance to the United States. In recent years, a positive relationship with both has enabled all nations in the Caribbean to ensure that they were not subject to undue pressure from one or the other.
However, the world is in flux. China, India and Brazil are emerging as major powers and there are signs that the U.S. is slowly recognising that every aspect of its global reach may come to be balanced or even in time, supplanted by China.
While the second Cuba CARICOM summit is primarily about enhancing inter-regional cooperation on health, education, disaster preparedness and trade it offers the region the opportunity to recognise and exhibit the importance at this time of the same independence of thought that it had in 1972, when it first formally recognised Cuba.
David Jessop is the Director of the Caribbean Council and can be contacted at david.Jessop@caribbean-council.org.
