
Robert BuddanLUTHER BUCHANAN'S by-election victory brings the seats belonging to the People's National Party (PNP) in Parliament up to 35, and Abe Dabdoub and Verna Parchment's defections from the Jamaica Labour Party (JLP) bring its seats down to 24, with Dabdoub sitting as an Independent. At the same time, the candidate selection process in the PNP and JLP is well underway and the democratic process within the parties is being tested once again.
What is different this time is that the two parties are entering the next local and general elections under new party leaders and there is some internal realignment going on. In the JLP, some former National Democratic Movement (NDM) members are seeking to gain ascendancy or at least a firmer foothold at the representational level. In the PNP, some persons favouring Portia Simpson Miller are attempting to elbow out those who opposed her election to the presidency of the party.
In St. Catherine, Gregory Mair comes from the NDM, and so too does Daryl Vaz in West Portland. Paul Robertson, campaign director for Peter Phillips, is heading the PNP's selection monitoring committee to ensure fairness and sanity in the process so that pro-Portia and other candidates get a fair chance. After all, Peter Phillips himself has warned that disunity could cost the party another term. The selection process is not mere preparation for elections, it could determine its outcome.
TESTING THE PARTY MACHINERY
The extent of the realignment in the PNP is yet to be determined. After all, about half of its sitting MPs are returning and a few former MPs are coming back. At any rate, some candidates like Delano Franklyn, who I believe, had supported Dr. Phillips' presidential campaign, will represent the party in St. Mary. And, not all pro-Portia candidates have won selection on her coat-tails. Anthony Hylton was selected well before she won the presidency.
The rush of new candidates has overwhelmed the PNP's machinery, forcing it to postpone a number of selection conferences. Party elections test the adequacy of the party machinery. P.J. Patterson had wanted candidate selection to be completed by April 2005. The presidential campaign, the need to regularise the group structure and create a valid delegates list, and the search for acceptable candidates, all forced repeated postponement of selection conferences.
All of these problems bring home Colin Campbell's point that the party needs to be modernised. But, the problems go beyond the need for modern information technology to communicate decisions made for implementation. The evidence suggests a need to ensure that delegates lists are always valid and up-to-date; groups and branches are legitimate; party selection committees operate according to transparent means and fair methods; deadlines for applications and conference elections are met; elections are free, fair and peaceful; campaigning does not divide the party and damage its reputation; and high quality candidates are always available.
TESTING THE QUALITY
OF REPRESENTATION
The candidate selection process also tests the performance of incumbents. Internal democracy allows challengers to demonstrate that they have enough support to make an election necessary. Incumbents must satisfy party selection committees that they can return the constituency for the party. Dissenters have the opportunity to raise their complaints about the quality of representation and promote their alternative candidates.
Incumbent MPs are not immune from the power of delegates. Charles Learmond and Ralston Alson are examples. Morais Guy had to face an election in St. Mary, as did Wykeham McNeil in Western Westmoreland. Neil McGill, a sitting MP, failed to prevail over George Lyn in a Clarendon constituency. Natalie Neita Headley won out over former West Central St. Catherine MP, Alethia Barker. The selection process is no mere formality.
Even candidates that have not been challenged have had to face rumblings from their constituents. Rumblings have been sounded about Aloun Asamba and Donald Rhodd. The JLP had said there were complaints about Abe Dabdoub and Verna Parchment's performances, leading the former to be challenged. But, the process reflects on the parties themselves. In these two cases, both rejected the claims with Dabdoub criticising the democratic process in the JLP while Parchment blamed the JLP for indisciplined leadership.
Incumbency does not safeguard an MP. Seniority within party and government does not do so either. Michael Peart, the Speaker of the House, had to fend off a challenge. Family and family name do not secure victory. Michael Ennis failed to replace his brother, Errol Ennis. Open competition, after all, is healthy. By the end of April, 97 persons were vying for the right to represent the PNP and that is good for the party.
THE POWER OF DELEGATES
What is even more special about party democracy at this time is that both parties are selecting or reviewing local government and constituency candidates since both kinds of elections are coming due. It is the delegates who hold the key to party democracy and so parties must publish valid list of eligible delegates. Delegates select candidates in divisional and constituency selection conferences. If there are no challengers to an incumbent, the selection is done by acclamation. But the final authority must come from the delegates.
The candidates for selection can initiate the process by applying to the selection committee of the party or the party might search out candidates when none is satisfactory. Constituency polls and party supporters at large also have influence. In 2001, a Stone poll revealed that more JLP supporters preferred Pearnel Charles to represent North Central Clarendon to Percy Broderick. Charles prevailed among the delegates. George Lyn was the popular choice for PNP supporters in those polls and he too won the votes of those delegates. Although Lyn lost to Charles, his popularity obviously remains since his party's delegates have selected him to run once again.
PARTY TURNOVER AND MOBILITY
Selections also provide opportunities for councillors to step up to become constituency candidates. Luther Buchanan is an example. Colin Fagan has replaced Paul Robertson in South East St. Catherine. It is also an opportunity for senators to 'step-down' from the Upper to be candidates for the Lower House. Delano Franklyn will have the chance to do so in Western St. Mary and so will Anthony Hylton in West St. Andrew.
The selection process provides an opportunity for MPs to retire and for new faces to refresh the party. Jermaine Martin will represent the PNP for the first time in North West St. Andrew, as will Colin Fagan and Natalie Neita Headley in St. Catherine and Doreen Forbes in Portland, with a few more possibilities to come.
Defecting and crossover candidates will be watched closely. We will see if JLP defectors Verna Parchment can carry her seat for the PNP, and if Abe Dabdoub wins the candidacy of the PNP for North East St. Catherine and goes on to win the seat. Crossover candidates might win the consensus vote of JLP and PNP supporters.
There is a tendency to focus on competition between parties and not on competition within them; or to see internal competition as signs of division and splits. The selection process tells us much more about our political parties, the evolution of their internal democracy and realignments within them. Ultimately, we hope they will produce high quality candidates who can then resurrect enough faith in these parties.
Robert Buddan is a lecturer in the Department of Government at the University of the West Indies. You can send your comments to Robert.Buddan@uwimona.edu.jm.