IN 1975 in Australia, the country's then Governor-General, Sir John Kerr, dismissed the country's Prime Minister, Gough Whitlam, even as the Whitlam administration, having received a vote of confidence in the House of Representatives, tried desperately to have the Queen fire Sir John.

More than three decades on, few issues in Australia invoke such emotional debate as that constitutional crisis, triggered by the refusal of the elected Australian Senate to pass money bills necessary to keep Mr. Whitlam's Labour Party Government. Part of the problem of the Whitlam government of the day was that while it had sufficient votes in the House with which to govern, it did not have a workable majority in the Senate.

It was, therefore, prisoner of the whim of the Opposition and failure of the process to engage in constructive dialogue and the delivery of an effective solution. Except, perhaps, it may be argued that the election was held, which brought the Opposition Conservatives to power, and that was democracy at work effectively.

In fact, though, Australia, at the time a relatively mature democracy, was at the brink and could well have descended into a deep and sapping instability.

The issues in Jamaica do not specifically parallel what happened in Australia, but there are lessons to be learnt, we think, from what happened Down Under. And, in any event, prevention, as they say, is better than cure. Which is why we urge good sense on the part of our leaders - on both sides of the political divide.

There are two issues on which we have recently commented in these columns which cause us concern. The first has do with the reported efforts by Prime Minister Golding to have the Governor-General fire the members of the Public Service Commission (PSC), ostensibly for misbehaviour, because of their refusal to withdraw their recommendation of Professor Stephen Vasciannie for the job of Solicitor General. The other issue is the decision by the Opposition to withdraw from confidence-building and governance talks with the Government because of comments by the Prime Minister which the People's National Party deems to have been derogatory.

Unlike in Australia, the Jamaican constitution does not, on the face it, provide the Governor-General reserve powers to fire the Prime Minister. The PM, it appears, can only be moved after a vote of no confidence by the House, and even then he can call a general election before the revocation takes place. While the Governor-General serves 'at the pleasure' of the Queen, it is presumed that the Prime Minister could ask Her Majesty to remove her Jamaican representative.

Matters have not reached this pass and may never get there. But it is not improbable that they can, if the PSC holds its position and Governor-General Professor Kenneth Hall does not acquiesce to Mr. Golding's purported demands; a behaviour that leans to a usurpation of constitutional authority and runs counter to Mr. Golding's promise of a higher quality of governance.

The situation demands constructive engagement on the part of the Opposition, which has to rise above its peeve over Mr. Golding's termites-in-their-brains comment which, frankly, though indecorous, is hardly beyond the cut and thrust of democratic politics. There are more fundamental matters at stake.